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  • Writer: Joy Montgomery
    Joy Montgomery
  • Jun 20
  • 6 min read

From Hopewell to New Echota: Cherokee Sovereignty, Diplomacy, and the Hiwassee Garrison, 1785–1838


Southwest Point, in Kingston, TN Cherokee Agency in Tennessee from 1801-1806


The prevailing narrative of Cherokee history remains dominated by removal and the Trail of Tears. While the forced migration of 1838 stands as a defining moment in the history of the Cherokee Nation, the decades preceding removal reveal a far more complex political landscape. During the Early Republic, Cherokee leaders pursued diplomacy, constitutional reform, educational initiatives, economic development, and nation-building while navigating increasing pressure from the federal government and the neighboring states of Georgia, Tennessee, and North Carolina. At the center of many of these developments stood the Hiwassee Garrison, a federal post established in 1806 on the Hiwassee River in southeastern Tennessee. Although often mentioned only briefly in broader histories, the garrison functioned as a diplomatic, administrative, and cultural crossroads where Cherokee leaders, federal officials, missionaries, traders, and military officers interacted. This dissertation, From Hopewell to New Echota: Cherokee Sovereignty, Diplomacy, and the Hiwassee Garrison, 1785–1838, argues that the Hiwassee Garrison played a formative role in Cherokee-American relations and offers a unique vantage point for examining the practice of Cherokee sovereignty.


Site of Hiwassee Garrison near Dayton, TN Cherokee Agency in Tennessee from 1801-1815


The project originated from a deceptively simple question: why has a site associated with Return J. Meigs, Gideon Blackburn, John Ross, Sam Houston, and several major developments in Cherokee history received so little sustained scholarly attention? As research progressed, the significance of the Hiwassee Garrison became increasingly clear. Situated within the Cherokee Nation and serving as the headquarters of the Cherokee Agency, the garrison occupied a strategic position where federal policy, Cherokee diplomacy, missionary activity, and local politics converged. Far from functioning merely as a military outpost, it became a center of communication, negotiation, and political experimentation during a critical period in Cherokee-American relations. The site also provides an opportunity to examine larger questions concerning Cherokee sovereignty, federal authority, and state power that increasingly defined relations between the Cherokee Nation and the United States during the first decades of the nineteenth century.


Colonel Return Jonathan Meigs, Cherokee Agent in Tennessee from 1801-1821


This dissertation addresses several interrelated research questions. How did the Hiwassee Garrison shape the development of Cherokee-American diplomacy during the Early Republic? In what ways did Cherokee leaders employ negotiation, adaptation, and political innovation to preserve sovereignty amid shifting geopolitical pressures? How did federal officials such as Return J. Meigs navigate the competing demands of the Cherokee Nation, the federal government, and neighboring states? To what extent did debates over Cherokee sovereignty reflect broader tensions between federal authority, state power, and competing understandings of sovereignty in the Early Republic? Finally, how did the interactions at Hiwassee contribute to the broader transformation of Cherokee-American relations from the Treaty of Hopewell in 1785 to the Treaty of New Echota in 1835 and the removal crisis that followed?


John Ross, Chief of the Cherokee, 1828-1866


The significance of this project lies in its focus on sovereignty as an active and negotiated process rather than simply a legal concept or a narrative overshadowed by removal. Rather than viewing sovereignty solely through treaties and court decisions, this project examines how Cherokee sovereignty functioned in everyday interactions among Cherokee leaders, federal agents, missionaries, and local communities. Recent scholarship in Indigenous history, borderlands studies, and political history has emphasized Native agency and the centrality of Indigenous diplomacy to early American state formation. Scholars such as William G. McLoughlin, Theda Perdue, John Finger, Gregory Ablavsky, David Wilkins, Pekka Hämäläinen, and Kathleen DuVal have demonstrated that Native nations actively shaped the political landscape of North America. While this scholarship has highlighted the importance of Native diplomacy and sovereignty, the Hiwassee Garrison offers an opportunity to examine how those ideas operated on the ground in a place where Cherokee leaders, federal officials, and missionaries regularly met. Through these interactions, broader questions concerning nationhood, citizenship, education, religion, and political authority become visible in ways that are often obscured in national narratives.


Sam Houston lived with his adopted Cherokee Father, John Jolly on Hiwassee Island, across from Hiwassee Garrison. Later, Sam Houston would become a Cherokee Sub-Agent and help negociate the Treaty that would John Jolly signed in 1817 to take him to Arkansas Territory in 1819.



Chief John Jolly, adopted a young Sam Houston, lived on Hiwassee Island overlooking the Hiwassee Garrison


Methodologically, the project integrates documentary research with approaches from Indigenous, borderlands, political, and religious history. It relies on manuscript collections, treaty records, agency correspondence, missionary papers, government documents, newspapers, and published primary-source collections. Particular emphasis will be placed on the records of the Cherokee Agency, the papers of Return J. Meigs, correspondence associated with Gideon Blackburn and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, federal treaty negotiations, and contemporary newspaper accounts from both Cherokee and American communities. These sources make it possible to reconstruct not only policy decisions but also the relationships, negotiations, and conflicts that shaped everyday interactions between Cherokee leaders and representatives of the United States.


Gideon Blackburn, a presbyterian minister from Blount County, was appointed as Superintendent of Cherokee Schools by The Glass and Thomas Jefferson. He was a minister to Sam Houston's mother.


A borderlands framework guides the analysis. Rather than conceptualizing the Hiwassee region as a fixed frontier separating two distinct societies, the dissertation approaches it as a lived landscape where Cherokee leaders, federal officials, missionaries, traders, and settlers interacted on a regular basis. The Hiwassee Garrison occupied the center of this contested space, making it possible to examine how sovereignty, diplomacy, and authority were negotiated in practice rather than merely debated in treaties and government documents. This framework moves beyond narratives that portray Native peoples primarily as subjects of federal policy. Instead, Cherokee leaders emerge as political actors who negotiated treaties, managed internal divisions, interacted with missionaries, and pursued strategies designed to preserve the sovereignty of the Cherokee Nation. The approach also highlights the fluidity of jurisdiction, the permeability of political boundaries, and the improvisational nature of diplomacy in the Early Republic. By examining these interactions within a borderlands context, the project seeks to demonstrate that sovereignty was continuously negotiated rather than simply asserted or denied.


The students at the Cherokee School wrote to Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson also told the Cherokee it was good to learn about how to create their own government from Return J. Meigs.


The researcher is uniquely positioned to undertake this study. More than a decade of engagement with Cherokee history has fostered familiarity with the people, places, and questions that animate this project. Growing up in Oklahoma, where Cherokee history remains highly visible, cultivated an early interest in the Cherokee Nation. Family connections to the communities where Sam Houston later settled in Texas encouraged further exploration of the relationship between Cherokee history, westward migration, and the broader development of the American South and Southwest. Later experiences in Tennessee, including residence near the former site of the Hiwassee Garrison, revealed the historical significance of a location often overlooked in the literature. Service with the Tennessee Trail of Tears Association, work with the Sequoyah Birthplace Museum, and collaboration with Native communities and historical organizations in Tennessee and Texas further deepened an interest in the connections between the Hiwassee Garrison, Cherokee diplomacy, Sam Houston, John Jolly, Return J. Meigs, and the broader development of Cherokee sovereignty. What began as an effort to understand the history of a little-known frontier post evolved into a larger investigation of how competing claims of authority, sovereignty, and nationhood shaped Cherokee-American relations.


Typical Cherokee cabins as seen at nearby Red Clay


Ultimately, this dissertation argues that the Hiwassee Garrison was far more than a military installation on the Cherokee frontier. It was a center of diplomacy, religion, education, and political negotiation where competing visions of sovereignty were articulated, contested, and transformed. By examining Cherokee-American relations from Hopewell to New Echota through the lens of the Hiwassee Garrison, this study seeks to contribute to ongoing discussions concerning Indigenous sovereignty, federal Indian policy, and the complex processes of nation-building in the Early American Republic. In doing so, it argues that Cherokee removal was not the beginning of the story but the culmination of a decades-long struggle over sovereignty, diplomacy, and political authority that unfolded long before 1838.


Map of Cherokee Lands in present Tennessee from 1818. Note "Highwassee Garrison" is at the convergence of the Tennessee and "Highwassee" rivers. The "U. S. Agency for the Cherokees" was the new Cherokee Agency on Agency Creek, shown mid-page. The Cherokee Agency would move again, further down the "Highwassee" in 1821 to present day Charleston, TN before the removal of 1838. Southwest Point is on the northern border at the top, "S. W. Point."

Many theories pervade about the Great Depression, such as: What caused it? Could it have been avoided? Were the measures used to end the devastation effective? To add fuel to the fire, the Dust Bowl of the early 1930s pushed already devastated farmers and laborers out of the plains pushing many westward to seek work in a region that was already overwhelmed with workers. What were the causes of all this devastation and how did we recover?


Dorothea Lange, Migrant Agricultural Worker’s Family. Seven Children without Food. Mother Aged Thirty-Two. Nipomo, California, March 1936, Photograph, March 1936, LC-USF34- 009095-C [P&P] LOT 344, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2017762905/.


Eugene White explains that after World War I and a postwar recession, prosperity returned from 1922 to 1929 with unemployment at 3.7 percent and GNP growing at an annual rate of 4.7 percent primarily due to great economic improvements such as science to industry, modern management techniques, and mergers of scale and scope.[1] Much of this was due to the expansion of large-scale industrial enterprises that could not draw long-term loans from commercial banks due to new federal regulations. Commercial banks set up securities affiliates that grew rapidly and became big distributors and underwriters of stocks and bonds. These stocks and bonds were thus substituted for commercial bank loans and many new investors were not experienced in monitoring firms and buying stocks. Add to this there were new and emerging industries that had “potentially high but uncertain returns” and many were advertised with overvalued stock add to this there was a large amount of stock market credit available.[2]


According to Rockoff, the beginning of the fall came in July 1929 the first signs of a recession, interest rates began to rise, and the dissension of stock prices and dividends became apparent. Trading began to rise, and the ticker fell behind: panic selling began, and many liquidated their holdings. New York city banks and the Federal Reserve Bank stepped in the gap to ensure the crash effects were corralled in the stock market which prevented a failure of the financial system.[3] According to Friedman and Schwartz, “It [the stock market crash] changed the atmosphere within which businessmen and others were making their plans and spread uncertainty where dazzling hopes of a new era had prevailed.”[4]


Dorothea Lange, Migrant Workers’ Camp, Outskirts of Marysville, California. The New Migratory Camps Now Being Built by the Resettlement Administration Will Remove People from Unsatisfactory Living Conditions Such as These and Substitute at Least the Minimum of Comfort and Sanitation, April 1935, April 1935, LC-USF34- 001733-ZC [P&P] LOT 343, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/resource/fsa.8b38193/.

Bernanke states that the U.S. and worldwide monetary factors played an essential causal role in the Great Depression: poorly designed institutions, ill-considered policymaking, negative political and economic preconditions, and a reliance on a shaky gold standard. The countries that abandoned the gold standard after the financial collapse, like Britain, rebounded more quickly than those that clung to it for several years afterward.[5]


Two main components of the financial collapse, according to Bernanke, were the loss of confidence in financial institutions (which would cause a run on a bank and cause it to fail), primarily commercial banks (which decreased by half from 1929 to 1933 in the United States), and the extensive insolvency of debtors (from banks which relied on fixed-price demand).[6] Clearing houses aided in the fixed-price demand enterprise of suspending the convertibility of bank deposits into currency in the case of a bank run. The creation of the Federal Reserve and the international gold exchange standard changed this clearing house-bank balance: the clearing houses felt relieved of their duty to fight against bank runs, and the banks had nowhere to turn. What exacerbated this tinderbox scenario was that at the beginning of the Great Depression, about half of all residential properties were mortgaged, and many were in debt.[7]


Arthur Rothstein, Abandoned Farm in the Dust Bowl Area. Oklahoma, April 1936, Photograph, April 1936, LC-USF34- 004074-E [P&P] LOT 521, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/resource/fsa.8b38292/.


Critical to economic recovery were aggregate demand developments: between 1933 and 1937, money supply increased on average 10 percent per year due to a gold inflow from devaluation in 1933 and capital flight from Europe after 1934.[8] Between December 1933 and July 1934, monetary stock nearly doubled, and between December 1934 and December 1941, it increased at an average annual rate of almost 15 percent.[9]


Fishback tells us that “during the Great Depression, there was a 25 percent drop in the ratio of farm prices to nonfarm wholesale prices.” In May 1933, the Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) sought to aid this by paying farmers to stop production on land including cotton, corn, tobacco, and wheat. This program benefited farmers but was detrimental to laborers, sharecroppers, and tenants.[10] Many banks foreclosed on overdue loans of impoverished farmers on mortgaged land.


Dorothea Lange, Destitute Pea Pickers in California. Mother of Seven Children. Age Thirty-Two. Nipomo, California, March 1936, March 1936, LC-USF346-009058-C, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2017762891/.


In conclusion, adding fuel to the fire of the Great Depression and the effects of the AAA, the “Dust Bowl” came to the plains of Oklahoma, and many farmers and workers left Oklahoma to head to California looking for opportunities. One of the most famous photographs of the Great Depression is of the “Migrant Mother”, Florence Owens Thompson, in March of 1936. She was part Cherokee migrant worker from Oklahoma, a widow, and a mother of seven at the time of the photograph. She and her seven children had broken down in Nipomo, California near a pea patch that had been calling for workers, but the peas had frozen overnight and there was no work to be had. Dorothea Lange, from the Resettlement Administration, was out taking photos to document the effects of the depression and sent the photos of Florence to the San Francisco News reporting that there were at least 3,000 migrant workers starving in Nipomo. Within a few days, the camp received 20,000 pounds of food from the federal government but by then Florence and her family had moved on.[11] This photograph came to symbolize the struggle of the farm laborers and others who suffered during the Great Depression and her look of desperation but determination in the face of that fight for survival in grim times. It is a time not soon to be forgotten or erased from human memory.

[1]Eugene N. White, “The Stock Market Boom and Crash of 1929 Revisited,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives (1986-1998) 4, no. 2 (Spring 1990): 72. [2]White, 69–71. [3]White, 81–82. [4]Hugh Rockoff, “Review Essay: A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960,” Economic History Association (blog), accessed November 19, 2023, https://eh.net/book_reviews/a-monetary-history-of-the-united-states-1867-1960/. [5]Ben S. Bernanke, “The Macroeconomics of the Great Depression: A Comparative Approach,” Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 27, no. 1 (1995): 3–4, https://doi.org/10.2307/2077848. [6]Ben S. Bernanke, “Nonmonetary Effects of the Financial Crisis in the Propagation of the Great Depression,” The American Economic Review 73, no. 3 (1983): 258. [7]Bernanke, 259–60. [8]Christina D. Romer, “What Ended the Great Depression?,” The Journal of Economic History 52, no. 4 (1992): 757–59. [9]Romer, 773. [10]Price Fishback, “The Newest on the New Deal,” Essays in Economic & Business History 36 (June 13, 2018): 5. [11]Brad Agnew, “‘Migrant Mother’ May Be Tahlequah’s Most Famous,” Tahlequah Daily Press, April 3, 2016, sec. Historical Perspectives, https://www.tahlequahdailypress.com/news/features/historical-perspectives-migrant-mother-may-be-tahlequah-s-most-famous/article_72d4e93c-f9d4-11e5-b343-37b33a0119af.html.


Bibliography

Agnew, Brad. “‘Migrant Mother’ May Be Tahlequah’s Most Famous.” Tahlequah Daily Press, April 3, 2016, sec. Historical Perspectives. https://www.tahlequahdailypress.com/news/features/historical-perspectives-migrant-mother-may-be-tahlequah-s-most-famous/article_72d4e93c-f9d4-11e5-b343-37b33a0119af.html.


Bernanke, Ben S. “Nonmonetary Effects of the Financial Crisis in the Propagation of the Great Depression.” The American Economic Review 73, no. 3 (1983): 257–76.


———. “The Macroeconomics of the Great Depression: A Comparative Approach.” Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 27, no. 1 (1995): 1–28. https://doi.org/10.2307/2077848.


Fishback, Price. “The Newest on the New Deal.” Essays in Economic & Business History 36 (June 13, 2018): 1–22.


Higgs, Robert. “Crisis, Bigger Government, and Ideological Change: Two Hypotheses on the Ratchet Phenomenon.” Explorations in Economic History 22, no. 1 (1985): 1–28.


Hornbeck, Richard. “The Enduring Impact of the American Dust Bowl: Short- and Long-Run Adjustments to Environmental Catastrophe.” The American Economic Review 102, no. 4 (2012): 1477–1507.


Lange, Dorothea. Destitute Pea Pickers in California. Mother of Seven Children. Age Thirty-Two. Nipomo, California. March 1936. LC-USF346-009058-C. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2017762891/.


———. Migrant Agricultural Worker’s Family. Seven Children without Food. Mother Aged Thirty-Two. Father Is a Native Californian. Nipomo, California. March 1936. Photograph. LC-USF34- 009095-C [P&P] LOT 344. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/2017762905/.


———. Migrant Workers’ Camp, Outskirts of Marysville, California. The New Migratory Camps Now Being Built by the Resettlement Administration Will Remove People from Unsatisfactory Living Conditions Such as These and Substitute at Least the Minimum of Comfort and Sanitation. April 1935. LC-USF34- 001733-ZC [P&P] LOT 343. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/resource/fsa.8b38193/.


Porter, John Sherman. Moody’s Manual of Investments: American and Foreign. New York: Moody’s Investors Service, 1927.


Rockoff, Hugh. “Review Essay: A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960.” Economic History Association (blog). Accessed November 19, 2023. https://eh.net/book_reviews/a-monetary-history-of-the-united-states-1867-1960/.


Romer, Christina D. “What Ended the Great Depression?” The Journal of Economic History 52, no. 4 (1992): 757–84.

Rothstein, Arthur. Abandoned Farm in the Dust Bowl Area. Oklahoma. April 1936. Photograph. LC-USF34- 004074-E [P&P] LOT 521. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/resource/fsa.8b38292/.


———. The Winds of the “Dust Bowl” Have Piled up Large Drifts of Soil against This Farmer’s Barn near Liberal, Kansas. March 1936. Photograph. LC-USF34- 002505-E [P&P] LOT 426. Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/resource/cph.3c29049/.


White, Eugene N. “The Stock Market Boom and Crash of 1929 Revisited.” The Journal of Economic Perspectives (1986-1998) 4, no. 2 (Spring 1990): 67.

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